Measures to Meet Communal Violence: Long-Term and Short-Term

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Measures to meet the challenge of communalism and communal violence can be of two types: long-term and short-term.

The long-term remedy lies:

Firstly, in initiating the process of de-communalising the people at all levels, say, by bringing home to them that communal assumptions are false, by explaining to them the socio-economic and political roots of communalism, and by telling them that what the communalists project as problems are not real problems and what they suggest as remedies are not real remedies.

Secondly, communalisation of the state and of the political elite in power has to be checked because it leads to inaction against com­munal violence, and covert or overt political and ideological support to communalism by the state apparatuses, including the media under state control.

Thirdly, the communalisation of civil society also needs to be checked because it leads to more communal riots and other forms of com­munal violence. People with communal ideas and ideologies pressurise the government to act in a manner which is always against the principle of secularism. The secular state, the secular party in power and the secular power elite many a time succumb to the pressures of these communal people. It is here that intellectuals, political parties and voluntary organi­sations can be most effective.

Fourthly, the role of education, particularly emphasising value-oriented education both in schools and colleges/uni­versities, is important in preventing communal feelings. Education based on new cultural ideologies can protect the young people against philoso­phies and ideologies of hate. Particularly harmful in the Indian context has been the role of teaching of history. Communal interpretation of history, specially of the medieval period, forms the bedrock of communal ideology in India. Teaching of history along scientific lines in educational institutions has to be a basic element in any ideological struggle against communalism.

Fifthly, the media can also prove to be significantly useful in preventing communal feelings. Communal press can be banned and le­gal action can be taken against communal writers.

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Sixthly, the ideology that economic development, industrialisation, growth of capitalism and the growth of the working class would automatically weaken and ulti­mately eliminate communalism should not be overplayed. This economic reductionist approach of the left parties and organisations like Naxalites only increases communal poison.

It is not being suggested that modern economic development is not needed in our society. What is being pointed out is that economic development alone cannot contain commu­nalism. It is not class struggle which increases communalism but communalism surely hampers class unity. Communal violence is more prevalent in developed states like Maharashtra, Punjab and Gujarat and in developed cities like Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Jamshedpur and Kanpur.

Some immediate measures are imperative for containing communalism and communal riots:

Firstly, Peace Committees can be set up in which individuals belonging to different religious communities can work together to spread goodwill and fellow-feeling and remove feelings of fear and hatred in the riot-affected areas. This will be effective not only in dif­fusing communal tensions but also in preventing riots from breaking out.

Secondly, the state has to plan and use new strategies in dealing with com­munal violence. India’s experience in recent years confirms the utility of this step. Whenever strong and secular administrators have used or threat­ened the use of strong steps, riots either did not occur or were of short duration.

For example, strong police and army intervention prevented repetition of riots in Calcutta in November 1984 and in Mumbai in Janu­ary 1994. When the anti-social elements and religious fanatics and people with vested interests realise that the government is impartial and the po­lice is serious in putting down communal violence with all the force at its command, they immediately cease spreading communal frenzy.

This also calls for non-communalising law-enforcement agencies. Experience of ri­ots in Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Bhiwandi and Meerut, and violence in Amritsar, Jullundar and Ludhiana in Punjab shows that communalised officials invariably make the communal situation worse.

Thirdly, the role of media is immensely heightened during the course of communal vio­lence. Newspapers can pour oil over the troubled waters or extinguish the raging fire. The fear and hatred can be checked if the press, radio and TV report events in a way conducive to soothing the frayed nerves of people instead of inflaming the temper further. The media can contradict ru­mours in a sober manner. A careful restraint has to be exercised in reporting the number of persons of different religious communities killed or injured.

Lastly, the government in power has to treat the extremist communal outfits as its immediate targets and cripple their capacity to disrupt law and order. The secessionists in Kashmir, the militants in Pun­jab, the ISS (now banned) in Kerala and other extremist organisations of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communalism have to be dealt with by the state through its law and order machinery.

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The small insecure communities al­ways look to government or move towards, communal parties for protection. The Pandits in Kashmir, the innocent victims of communal riots in Mumbai, Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and other states, and the suffer­ers of violence by extremists in Bihar, Assam, etc., look towards the secular state of India for security of life and property.

The communalism of the 1980s and of the nine years of the 1990s has placed a clear responsi­bility at the doors of the secular state squarely to confront the communal elements who have emerged as merchants of death. Today, communalism is on the march and secularism is on the retreat, and the state is on the de­fensive. The state was on the defensive in post-Blue Star Operation phase, on the retreat on Shah Bano case, and under siege on Mandir-Masjid issue in Ayodhya in 1992 and Hazratbal siege in November 1993 and in Charar-e-Shrief shrine siege in May 1995 in Kashmir.

In all these situ­ations, Sikh, Muslim and Hindu communalists were on the offensive. The challenge of Hindu, Muslim and Sikh communalism has to be met by the Indian State at political and ideological levels both with short-term and long-term strategies.

The government is also facing the problem of the emergence of religion-based politics as a central factor in public affairs and elections, although election results in several states in the last five-six years have proved that the people have rejected such politics.

If the surging tide of communalism is not reversed, it will swamp the country. Before independence, it was easy to argue that communal vio­lence was the result of the British policy of divide and rule. Now the reality is more complex. Religion has come to be politicised and politics has come to be criminalised. Unless all communities consider themselves a part of one nation, the containing of communal disharmony will re­main difficult.

A country that prides itself on the secular character of its policies has to be wary of politicians who speak only for their own relig­ious community. It has to expose and alienate the bureaucrats who consider secularism only as a theoretical possibility. The police can no longer afford to allow communal issue to foster in the manner that it has.

Stopping communally-minded politicians and debarring them from con­testing elections, giving deterrent punishment to religious fanatics for arousing anti-religious feelings, adopting corrective measures like keeping the police department free from the politicians’ control, strengthening the police intelligence section, restructuring the police force, gearing the po­lice administration to be more sensitive, and reworking the training programme of police officials and enabling them to acquire a secular out­look and making them responsible for their failures could prove to be effective measures in tackling the problem of communal riots. An effi­cient police organisation, enlightened policemen, well equipped and especially trained police wings are bound to yield positive results.

The government has also to take measures for removing the per­ceived feeling of discrimination and deprivation which does not actually exist. The Minorities Commission set up in 1978 during Morarji Desai’s tenure as Prime Minister, was recognised as a statutory body in May 1992 with a view to enhancing its effectiveness. Before this, it functioned as a toothless tiger because in the absence of legal sanction, it could do little beyond suggesting remedies or advising the government and the admini­stration. The Commission is intended to safeguard the interests of the minorities whether based on religion or language.

Its seven-point objectives are as follows:

i. Evaluating the working of various safeguards for the minorities in the Constitution and the laws passed by the union and state govern­ments.

ii. Recommending the most effective way to implement the laws per­taining to the minorities.

iii. Looking into specific complaints.

iv. Conducting studies and research on the question of avoidance of dis­crimination against minorities.

v. Reviewing union and state government policies towards minorities. Suggesting appropriate legal and welfare measures to be undertaken by the union and state governments.

vi. Submitting reports (on minorities) to the government from time to time.

vii. Serving as a national clearing house for information in respect of the conditions of the minorities.

Its status was such that nobody took the Commission seriously be­cause both the centre and the state governments were not bound to follow its suggestions. Over the years, the Commission’s annual reports on the plight of the minorities gathered dust. But, the statutory status will now change the position.

Its role will not only be investigative but also a judicial one. It is expected that with more powers, the Commission would now become a truly effective tool in tackling the deteriorating communal situation in the country and ensuring the welfare of the relig­ious minorities which comprise 17 per cent of the total population of the country.

Symbolic gestures will not suffice. It is necessary to look at the real problems of the religious minorities in terms of employment, literacy and getting them a fair share of representation in every field. Efforts are needed for the development of the minority communities and removing their mass illiteracy and unemployment.

Secular structures have to be promoted and preserved. Vigorous attacks need to be launched on relig­ious institutions which foster communalism. Suspicions between communities must be rigorously weeded out. A common civil code in the country is the need of the day. There should be no special laws for spe­cific communities and no special status for any state. The reservation policy has to be reconsidered. Political manipulation has to be tackled. Politicians interfering with police functioning and disallowing arrests of trouble makers have to be severely dealt with. Public opinion and mass enlightenment have to be brought about to make secular values functional.

Along with these measures, other measures that should be under­taken by the government to contain communal violence are:

(1) Posting of secular-minded police officials in riot-prone areas.

(2) Setting up of spe­cial courts to try communal offences.

(3) Providing immediate relief and adequate financial assistance to victims of communal riots for their reha­bilitation.

(4) Taking severe action against all those who incite communal tensions or take part in violence.

Thus, multipronged measures are needed to contain communal ten­sions and bring about communal harmony in the country. We have not only to fight religious communalism but have also to contain political communalism which is more degrading and dangerous. A vast majority of Muslims and Sikhs in India have no appetite for communal violence, and this is also true of the sentiments of most Hindus.

The members of the Muslim and Sikh communities are convinced that the growing communal tension can be stopped if politicians are somehow prevented from exploit­ing people for their narrow ends. The Muslim on the street is slowly recognising the exploitative intentions of politicians. Religious sloganeer­ing does not affect him so much now. He no longer harbours a sneaking desire to seek economic redress across the border. He feels far more secure here.

If Muslims and other minorities are encouraged to consider them­selves as a valuable commodity to be traded at election time, rather than being equal citizens of a free India, they can never be motivated enough to participate in the greater endeavour for the national good. Social scientists and intellectuals have to evince serious interest in controlling the national malaise of communalism and in related issues like religious violence, sepa­ratism, secessionism, and terrorism.